Suchergebnisse

AbstractRepresenting diverse identities in government is important for equal employment, symbolic benefits, and opportunities to improve public service outcomes. This article uses qualitative interviews with 32 frontline police officers to examine the ways in which personal and professional identities intersect to promote or impede those benefits. The findings highlight how holding similar sociodemographic identities with the public can be a source of strength as it pertains to promoting shared understanding and reducing the social distance that comes with identity incongruence. However, internal identity conflicts arise as White officers overcome culture shock and endure learning curves, whereas officers of color navigate the dual pressures of empathetic treatment (that comes with shared personal identity) versus arms‐length treatment (that comes with professional identification). Even then, as seen in this study, the way officers treat and interact with the community is imperative and can overcome symbolic identity barriers.

Procedural justice can impact on street-level bureaucrat (SLB)-citizen encounters as it shapes citizens' experience with, and perception of, the delivery of public service. Specifically, in police encounters with the public, procedural justice has recently dominated the public discourse due to the tensions around police-community relations. One way to enhance the quality of SLB-citizen encounters is through procedural justice training. Utilizing a mixed methods design, we conduct a two-pronged analysis of (1) the content and teaching time of procedural justice training in state-mandated basic police curricula across U.S. states and (2) the ways training content (i.e., concepts of procedural justice) is conceptualized by the street-level bureaucrats who are the subjects of these curricula. The study identifies deficiencies in the length of the training and highlights discrepancies between the content emphasized in the training and the ways in which SLBs perceive and interpret its utility and applicability. It concludes by offering practical recommendations on how to improve procedural justice competencies, and by way, enhance SLB-citizen encounters through training.

AbstractThe public sector prides itself on being a place where women and other marginalized groups can find shelter from workplace discrimination. Still, gender inequities are evident in the public sector workforce. In this article, interview data from city managers and police officers highlight the gendered internal organizational processes, arrangements, and interactions that impact women's experiences in male‐dominated roles. Despite seemingly equal opportunities to access and engagement in these bureaucratic roles, the findings suggest that women constantly face gendered barriers and boundaries that directly impact their experiences on the job and their work‐related outcomes. Legislative and administrative remedies are not sufficient to eliminate gendered experiences of women in male‐dominated roles. Rather, a cultural change from within the workplace is vital to realize the efforts of civil rights laws established more than 50 years ago.

AbstractThe research in representative bureaucracy that examines the extent to which racial congruence impacts bureaucrats' decisions is mixed. This study adds to this literature by examining the impact of representative bureaucracy on the level of force that police officers use and whether they make an arrest in use of force encounters, while taking into consideration key situational conditions. Using individual‐level data from New Orleans to estimate this impact, the authors find that racial congruence and incongruence impact policing outcomes even in the presence of situational shortcuts that cue decision‐making. The findings show that the benefits of representation are conditional on the outcome. Black officers are less likely to use higher levels of force on Black civilians. Yet both Black and White officers are less likely to arrest White civilians in use of force encounters. This suggests that interactions in which bureaucrats have less discretion (e.g., arrests) may offer limited opportunities for active representation.

Recent incidents between police and people of color have further strained police–community relationships. Scholars, practitioners, activists, policy makers, and several police departments have advocated for the implementation of body-worn cameras (BWC), a technological adoption promoted to address growing mistrust in the United States. This article examines perception of this technological adoption through 40 in-depth interviews in Washington, D.C. Furthermore, this article uses the context of police BWC to explore how the integration of technological advancements impacts the relationships between communities and local governments—namely police departments. The evidence suggests that residents believe BWC should improve officer behavior and increase police legitimacy, but cameras will not increase trust between police and the community. Based on the findings, this research identifies the limitations of BWC technology and assesses potential collaborative strategies available for police organizations related to the adoption and use of BWC.

Representative bureaucracy research has examined the influence of race and ethnicity on policing outcomes, yet little is known about police use of force specifically at the individual-level. To address this topic more meticulously, we utilize individual-level data (from Indianapolis and Dallas police departments) to explore differences in the amount of force used by officers in ethnic, racial, and gender matches in police–civilian dyads. Findings suggest that there are heightened levels of force used when there is racial and gender incongruenc between the officer and the civilian, particularly White officers interacting with Black civilians. We discuss how this finding may impact police departments moving forward.

The Kerner Commission devoted significant attention to the issue of policing and its impact on communities of color in particular. In light of the 50th anniversary of the Kerner Commission, the focus of this article is twofold. First, this article provides a literature review on police commissions across time, both pre- and post-Kerner, to identify similarities. There are three key areas of focus that most of the police commissions have touched on: excessive police use of force, police–community relations, and personnel standards. Second, this article assesses the empirical evidence behind these three identified areas of concern and asks the following: What does the research show on the efficacy of police organizational reforms for reducing excessive police use of force, building police–community relations, and improving personnel standards? This article concludes by identifying areas for further research in each of these three subcategories. Specifically, this article highlights the need for further research to empirically delineate what strategies are effective for reducing police–community tensions.

AbstractA bureaucracy that is representative of the public it serves—passive representation—can result in both active representation and symbolic representation. Symbolic representation occurs when passive representation improves perceptions of legitimacy and enhances bureaucratic outcomes because the public is more cooperative and more likely to engage in coproduction. We present a new micro‐theory of symbolic representation to show that symbolic benefits of passive representation depend on some level of positive treatment by bureaucrats. We then illustrate the utility of this theory with qualitative interviews from two cities with large populations of people of color and high proportions of police officers of color. The results suggest that increasing the demographic representativeness of the bureaucracy may be a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for improving the relationship between the public and the bureaucracy.

AbstractFirst responders experience work‐related challenges in higher magnitudes than other occupations. Organizational elements may mitigate or exacerbate burnout for first responders during public health emergencies (e.g., COVID‐19). This mixed methods study of first responders in the United States aims to (1) assess the relationship between a trauma‐informed organizational climate (TIC) and burnout; (2) analyze the moderating effect of TIC on role strain and burnout; and (3) identify how a TIC can mitigate contributors to burnout. Survey data (n = 3,517) of first responders demonstrate that a TIC (of safety, trust, choice, collaboration, and empowerment) negatively correlates with burnout. Further, a TIC moderates the positive relationship between role strain and burnout. Interviews of first responders (n = 91) reveal that fewer employee interactions, lack of rule‐following behaviors, impaired communication, staffing shortages, and limited time off contribute to burnout. Open communication, resource provision, collaboration opportunities, and creative problem‐solving enhance work climate.

Workforce retention is a current challenge for public administration, and there are continued questions about the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the public safety workforce and their willingness to serve. Past studies have shown there are limits to what first responders will endure during complex and uncertain emergencies, leading them to potentially leave their position. Using a nationwide survey ( n = 3,582), in-depth interviews ( n = 91), and a visual methodology called PhotoVoice, this study examines the factors impacting threats to workforce retention (i.e., role abandonment and turnover intentions) among first responders and the ways public organizations can mitigate this negative impact. The results show personal or family risk may contribute to first responders' decisions to quit, while an understanding of public risk may promote retention. We identify several organizational strategies (e.g., emotional safety, sufficient protective equipment, standard operating procedures) that may reduce retention threats.

This article presents a "Call to Action" Social Equity Manifesto developed at the Minnowbrook at 50 conference. The Social Equity Manifesto identifies several critical areas of emphasis that can help move toward the achievement of social equity in the research, teaching, and practice of public administration. Regarding research, we discuss the presence of social equity manuscripts in PAR, JPART, and ATP. Interestingly, the coverage of class inequality is low across all three journals. However, a clear research strength is the plurality of methodological and theoretical approaches. In terms of teaching, all of the NASPAA social equity award winning public affairs programs in the United States offer multiple courses that provide intentional coverage of social equity. With respect to practice in the United States, inequities exist across multiple policy areas. Programs and policies ranging from nondiscrimination to diversity management are discussed. In essence, exposing students to social equity perspectives within the context of public administration curricula can make PA graduates more responsive to the needs of all people.